
Wednesday, 14th May 2008
Labour's long-standing Euroscepticism
Since the 1960s, the Nationalist Party recognised the unique opportunities offered by European integration and took the first steps that eventually led to Malta becoming a full member of the European Union on May 1, 2004.
Within a few months from Malta's independence on September 21, 1964, the Nationalist government effectively placed Malta among other sovereign nations by joining the United Nations and the Council of Europe. At that time, Malta required to diversify so as to become much less dependent on Britain as its former coloniser.
The first exploratory talks with the European Commission were held in 1968 and by December 1, 1970, then Prime Minister George Borg Olivier signed an Association Agreement with the European Economic Community (EEC) with the ultimate objective that Malta integrates with Europe.
When the Malta Labour Party was returned to power in 1971 it took a different political stance vis-à-vis the EEC. The Prime Minister of the time, Dom Mintoff, had since 1958 thought up the idea of Malta being "Switzerland in the Mediterranean", which idea was resurrected years later by his successor, Alfred Sant. Once in power, Mr Mintoff took the road of isolationism and protectionism and quickly moved the country towards non-alignment and a special friendship with such leftist governments as Libya and Algeria. In that way, 20 fruitful years were wasted, during which time Malta could have worked its way towards an alliance with the EU.
On being voted back into office in 1987, the Nationalist government, headed by Prime Minister Eddie Fenech Adami, resumed its bid for Malta's EU accession and a formal application to join the EEC was made in July 1990. However, negotiations towards EU accession ceased abruptly in October 1996 when the MLP returned in government and immediately froze Malta's application for full membership. The Prime Minister, Dr Sant, and other high-profile MLP figures knew very well that EU membership was in the best interest of our country. So much so that it now transpires that internal party discussions involving Dr Sant himself were held to map out the way forward on the EU. Yet, the MLP preferred to adopt a Jekyll and Hyde form of behaviour. Rather than re-routing Malta towards EU membership, the Labour government maintained the EU freeze throughout its 22 months in power.
The MLP continued exhibiting Euroscepticism even from the opposition benches and abdicated its responsibility by refusing to contribute to EU accession negotiations. It further embarked on a ferocious campaign against EU membership claiming that it would lead to loss of jobs and domination by larger states. On March 8, 2003, Dr Sant failed to respect the decision made in a referendum by an absolute majority of 53.6 per cent of Maltese voters in favour of Malta becoming a member of the EU. He promised to promptly put the Malta's EU membership bid on hold again if he would win the general election held on April 12, 2003. The election was won by the PN, polling 51.8 per cent of the valid votes against the MLP's 47.6 per cent.
Time has proved the PN right in its foreign policy on the EU. Malta has secured hundreds of millions of euros in European aid during its four years of full membership of the EU. As of December 21, 2007, Malta became part of the Schengen area and, as from this year, it joined the eurozone after meeting all the required qualifying economic criteria.
It is quite clear which of the two major political parties in Malta has consistently shown trust in the capabilities of the Maltese citizens and has managed to gain the respect they deserve among their European counterparts. History is well documented and cannot be changed.




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Comments
Surprisingly, one of the stumbling blocks for Malta was Britain's own application to join. Although Malta was said to have achieved its independence in 1964 in both London and Brussels, including NATO headquarters, Malta was seen as somehow still being linked with Britain. NATO had refused Malta membership or even observer status on the organisation on the grounds that 'Malta (independent Malta) was under the jurisdiction of Britain'. During his visit to Rome, in December 1967, Borg Olivier complained to Moro that NATO's relationship with Malta as "colonial". He also stated that what 'he wanted was a more "dignified relationship with NATO and in particular Malta wanted to be informed of political decisions reached within the organisation.' In other words he wanted NATO to stop using Malta as its pleases and to respect our independence while taking us into its confidence in respect of decisions touching our interests.
On the EC issue the UK Delegation to the European Communities reported, on Malta's application to Brussels, that 'the Commission may well take the view that the Maltese question is closely linked to the progress of the U.K. application and Malta (independent Malta) need not make faster progress than ourselves'. (Melton, Brussels, to Stoddart, U.K. Foreign Office, 28th November 1967) The reluctance by the EU to admit Malta as a member continued until the 1990s and Mr Cini should re-visit the discussions between Malta and the EU until 1993. Mr Cini shoudl for example explain why at one stage Brussels declared that Malta's case for membership was tied to that of Cyprus but the latter first required to solve its issue of division in two states before its case could be addressed. What was the message for Malta in this? Furthermore, why did the EU take such a long time to produce its Avis on Malta's application? Does Mr Cini remember how three other states, who had submitted their application well after that of Malta, had received their Avis well before that of Malta? I also suggest that the writer reads that Avis very carefully as some of its statements are very indicative. It was changed international circumstances that really opened Malta's path to membership. The idea that twenty years were wasted under Labour is nothing but a false judgement. Mr Cini is right when he says that the PN from the very beginning eyed membership of the European Community as a goal, but he is wrong to assume that in the 1960s and 70s it believed Malta was ready for membership. He should look to statements made in Parliament on this issue.
Mr Cini's also passes judgement on Mintoff's idea of Malta as a Switzerland in the Mediterranean. He dismisses it out of hand but forgets that that idea was raised when Malta was a colony (1958) and few Maltese saw an alternative to Malta's economic dependence on Britain. Yet Mr Mintoff was proposing such an alternative of a small nation building its future on unfettered economic relations based on a system of political neutrality. What Mintoff wanted was to rid Malta of the handicaps imposed on it by its status as a military base and as I briefly demonstrated above (believe me there is much more) continued to plague it after independence. It was also a call for the Maltese to take their lives in their own hands. For Maltese people living in 1958 Switzerland was a symbol of a rich and stable economy to which countries flocked to invest. The Swiss had among the highest standards of living in the world and they had achieved this by pursuing their own path and not that of other countries. It was a call for a historical break. Neither is Mr Cini historically correct when he says that the Labour government of Malta "took the road of isolationism". Under Mr Mintoff Malta's extended its relations to a far greater number of countries than before. Before 1971 Malta's relations were with a restricted number of countries. One may disagree with some of the newly established relations but this does not give one the right to distort what actually took place. And I cannot see why Mr Cini objects to Malta having close relations with Libya and Algeria. In the 1970's to get oil and gas supplies to sustain their economy, the Germans to justify their establishment of close relations with the Soviet Union became the champions of detente. And they got their oil and gas pipeline!!! Does Mr Cini really think that Malta's economic development would have progressed without Libyan aid? And can Mr Cini, who like many seem to dislike the idea of Malta having relations with Arab countries, whether he remembers how European leaders rushed to Libya within days of international sanctions being lifted?
As to Labour's position under Sant it does not take a genius to know that there were divisions over EU membership. And why is this so unusual? There were divisions in the British Labour and Conservative parties over membership of the EU and there are divisions persisting today. But I also know some PN supporters who also fear that Malta would be swallowed up in a strongly unified EU. What is wrong with that? Should there be no room for debate within the parties?
What you might ask your buddies in Brussels is why Malta and its citizens are rated like non EU or worst, like 3rd world country citizens when we travel to or live in the Middle East. To add insult to injury, countries like San Marino, The Vatican and Norway whom which are non members of the EU are given the full treatment.
With your entire funfair please note that we are still considered as 2nd class citizens!!!!!!
I think that the main exponents of the Labour party have made it very clear now and before the general election that the EU issue was closed 5 years ago. Those that keep on harping about euroscepticism are simply stuck in a timewarp and are repeating the same things we are fed up of hearing from net/pn journalists.