A United Nations peacekeeping force was deployed in divided Cyprus in 1964 and remains there till this very day, patrolling the ‘Green Line’. Ray Bugeja spoke to some of the actors on the Turkish-Cypriot side.

A sad episode in the history of Cyprus has just been commemorated with very little encouraging signs, if any, of a final and lasting settlement in the peace process that has been ongoing for decades.

Amid sharply contrasting declarations of hope and dismay with regard to the talks between Greek-Cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus celebrated the July 20 Peace and Freedom Festival.

This year happened to be the 40th anniversary of what occurred on July 20, 1974. Reacting to a coup by the then military regime in Greece to overthrow Cypriot President Archbishop Makarios, Turkish soldiers were sent to Cyprus. Turkey insists it did so as guarantor of the island’s sovereignty in terms of the 1960 Zurich Agreement. For Athens it was an invasion, pure and simple.

Cyprus was thus divided and remains so.

The south is controlled by the Greeks (who have about 59 per cent of the land) and is a member of the European Union. The northern part – 37 per cent – very much depends on Turkey, the only country that recognises the independence declared by the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus in 1983. The rest consists of a buffer zone, which the UN is responsible for.

The Greek-Cypriot part is easily accessible. To fly to the north one has to go via Turkey. Both the government and the business community are upbeat about the economic situation up north but they point their fingers at the international community and the EU, accusing them of failing to treat both parts of the island in the same manner and to shoulder their responsibilities.

A five-day visit to North Cyprus as guest of the government to attend the anniversary celebrations may be a good beginning to start understanding what the situation on the ground is like. It may be somewhat difficult to grasp all the complexities. What, however, is very clear is that a settlement will continue to be elusive if both sides keep insisting on describing themselves as Greek-Cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots. Such appellation is divisive in itself.

A settlement will continue to be elusive if both sides keep insisting on describing themselves as Greek-Cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots

To live in peace side by side, they should all be Cypriots and only Cypriots. If they genuinely want a settlement, the Greek and Turkish leaders must agree to hand over Cyprus to those inhabitants who pledge to continue living there as one united people without any strings attached to either Athens or Ankara.

So how about an alliance between Greece, Turkey, the EU and the UN to guarantee that only those committing themselves to be citizens of Cyprus, loyal only to Nicosia and calling themselves Cypriots would remain in this third biggest island in the Mediterranean, which is 20 times the size of Malta? Those unwilling to do so can be offered permanent abode in either Turkey or Greece.

The alliance can provide the logistics and all material necessities but, ideally, should not make any decisions. This could be left to a specially-appointed three-member eminent persons group made up of an independent chairman (like, say, former prime minister Lawrence Gonzi) and the two immediate past Turkish and Greek judges of the European Court of Human Rights.

Apart from dealing with legal and administrative issues, the group will also set a date for the first election of members of one Cypriot Parliament who would represent all citizens without distinction.

The above may be a wild idea but, having heard certain speeches in Lefkosa (the Turkish-Cypriot name for the capital Nicosia; it is Lefkosia for the Greek-Cypriots), it would help to think outside the box.

Ahmet Sözen, chairman of the Department of International Relations at the Eastern Mediterranean University, in North Cyprus, who describes himself as an “outspoken peace activist” and who has also been involved in the talks between the two sides, opted to theme a briefing session for international journalists as ‘A new holistic design for the Cyprus conflict: blending idealism with pragmatism’.

He admits he is not very optimistic about the outcome of the peace talks, adding that internal dynamics in Cyprus make an early solution unlikely.

Having studied the situation for the past two decades, he feels only a federation would be accepted if the question were put to the two sides in a referendum.

The findings of a comprehensive survey by the Cyprus 2015 Initiative, of which the professor forms part, are indeed enlightening.

A sizeable majority of both Greek-Cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots would like to see results from the peace process but their hope that this will happen is very low.

Close to half of the Greek-Cypriots interviewed would favour having one State with a central government for the whole of Cyprus. However, the Turkish-Cypriots have other ideas and just under half of respondents wanted two separate, internationally-recognised states.

As if the situation is not already bad, certain statements made by the leaders – all of them – do not help. If there is to be meaningful progress, it would therefore help if they would look before they leap.

Addressing a military parade in Lefkosa on July 20, Turkish President Abdullah Gül spoke of “Turkey’s resolve and determination to protect the Turkish-Cypriots under any circumstances”. Then, referring to North Cyprus’s successes, he said: “As long as we retain our unity and solidarity that have made this possible, there is no obstacle we cannot overcome together.”

At the same occasion, Northern Cyprus President Dervis Eroglu noted that economic power can be exercised only through military power. Cyprus, he went on, possessed “important advantages for military activities on land, at sea and in the air...” Thus, he noted, it was easier to understand why others were closely interested in the Cyprus issue and why the solution to the issue was prolonged.

Hardly confidence-building statements, though, to be fair, Eroglu did admit that his government made mistakes and had failures, “but who doesn’t?”

Indeed, who doesn’t?

Foreign Minister Özdil Nami mentioned two episodes he felt could have been avoided.

He recalled that, not so long ago, he had invited EU ambassadors for an informal chat over dinner in a Cyprus hotel. Those who attended, he said, soon received a note verbale chastising them for accepting the invite.

The other incident followed a decision by Azerbaijan Airlines to operate direct flights to Ercan Airport, in Northern Cyprus. The flag carrier of Azerbaijan, the minister recounted, was served with a formal notice by Brussels that, should it not stop flying to Ercan, its planes would not be allowed to land in EU airports.

On his part, Eroglu recounted that the Greek-Cypriots had even objected to a concert in Northern Cyprus by Deep Purple. The rock band, however, put its foot down and went ahead with the show.

The above proves how tricky the situation is, underlines the distrust that still exists between the two sides and the apparent inability of the international community, including the EU, to push for meaningful dialogue and, more importantly, a solution.

Leadership is evidently lacking. Even Nami acknowledges that. “Where are the leaders? The negotiation process is in big trouble. The leaders are not leading but delegating the task to representatives. It’s time to take us seriously. If the talks collapse, then it would be down to the international community to see where it will go. The status quo is unacceptable,” he said.

He evidently wants the international community to do something about it, even if he points his finger at the Greek side: “The international community should be courageous. It should not fear Greek-Cypriot bullying and engage in all sort of exchanges. The Greek-Cypriots are not paying the price for saying no [to a settlement] and that price should be set by the international community.”

The new president of the Turkish-Cypriot Chamber of Commerce, Fikri Toros, agrees that the status quo is not sustainable: “We run the risk of facing tragic consequences again.”

God forbid. But unless the people of Cyprus will truly be put first, it shall remain a divided island.

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