The machinery of politics is largely dependent on the efficiency, effectiveness and, above all, the probity of political parties.

It is almost impossible to practise politics in thriving modern democracies other than through the medium of parties. Voting for parties that stand for particular values and interests is the most tangible opportunity we have to exercise our democratic rights.

But among a whole range of constitutional and institutional issues that undermine Maltese politics, the current crisis has also shone a searchlight on the endemic weaknesses of our two major parties and the systems underpinning them. To their credit, talk of the need for urgent reform is now being heard within both parties.

Labour has been in deep crisis ever since the major breakthrough into the murder of Daphne Caruana Galizia raised suspicions in early December that the Office of the Prime Minster had been implicated in some way or another, leading to the resignation of the prime minister’s chief of staff.

The outpouring of disillusioned left-leaning activists and intellectuals has exposed the weaknesses of the PL, not only because the very top of the government they support has been sullied by the evidence emerging of a conspiracy with the mastermind but also because the party structures have failed to distance themselves unequivocally from what has happened. The overwhelming vote of confidence by the PL parliamentary group in the prime minister’s decision to “resign” but not to quit the scene has tarnished the party’s reputation and risks undermining the next party leader.

There is a “battle for the soul” of the Labour Party being waged in clubs and party organs across the country.

The PN itself has been suffering from a crisis of leadership ever since its second successive massive general election defeat two years ago.

The party is going through a period of soul-searching. But its near-mute performance in Parliament in the current crisis, its patent disunity and factionalism and the PN leader’s inability to impose his personality on the party has left a constitutional hole where the Opposition should be.

Both parties need to keep the best of what they do and ditch the worst.

The party should act as the conscience of those who are elected to parliament in its name. It has a responsibility for ensuring that the tacit agreement, or “social contract,” that exists between its membership and its members of parliament (and their ministers, if the party is in government) reflects the values, principles and code of conduct on which they were elected in the name of their party.

Our system is currently failing Malta. Swindling the state and corruption has become a way of life. Nepotism, cronyism and clientelism seep into every pore of political life.

Our structures and systems of control must be strengthened if Malta’s reputation is to be cleansed. The autonomy of parliament must be strengthened. The legislature must be given greater power to hold the executive fully to account.

The quality of members of parliament must be raised. There is a case for the introduction of full-time MPs to exercise greater parliamentary scrutiny. Our electoral system should be revised to reduce the dominance and monopoly of the two major parties.

It requires a combined effort of political will by all parties if trust and confidence in politics is to be restored.