The Libyan prime minister of the Government of National Unity stated recently that it was incumbent upon the House of Representatives (the parliament) and the High State Council to reach an agreement on the necessary constitutional basis for the elections and that, should they fail to do so, “alternative means have to be found”.
This statement reflects indeed the sentiment of the majority of Libyan people. These two legislative bodies, which owe their continuation to the Skherat Agreement, have so far disappointed the Libyan people and the international community by their reluctance to reach an agreement on the constitutional basis which will pave the road for the long-awaited presidential and legislative elections that were due at the end of 2021, ignoring the will of almost three million Libyan people.
They may not be the only culprits, of course, as there are several entities which benefit from the current stalemate and that have a vested interest in maintaining the status quo. These entities constitute a consortium of internal and external actors, some of whom previous UN envoys have boldly pointed their fingers at.
The current state of affairs is definitely untenable. Libya cannot be left hostage to the whims of a few politicians and to the mercy of external regional and international powers which find it in their interest that current divisions, political instability and general uncertainty about the country’s future will prevail.
The most important task, therefore, facing the new Special UN Envoy, Abdoulaye Bathily, is to make every possible effort for the elections to be held within a couple of months. The logistical means are available but the political will is lacking. There should be no more beating around the bush, no more Berlins, no more Genevas, no more empty talk and rhetorical statements.
The speakers of both legislative bodies should shoulder their historical responsibilities and reach an agreement on a workable constitutional basis. If they continue to procrastinate, “alternative means” should indeed be found as Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbaiba has indicated.
The Presidential Council, as the supreme executive body, can, for example, call for a referendum on the draft constitution or find other means for a constitutional basis.
The UN has a moral responsibility towards Libya as its resolutions in 2011 were instrumental in toppling the previous regime- Saadun Suayeh
The role of the UN remains nonetheless essential in this endeavour. Bathily can propose as a last resort the drafting of a strongly worded UN Security Council resolution that calls upon the two legislative bodies in Libya and all political actors to accelerate agreement on the constitutional framework for the Libyan elections.
The issuance of such a pivotal resolution requires consensus among all the permanent five members of the Security Council, a formidable task but not an impossible one. The UN has a moral responsibility towards Libya as its resolutions in 2011 were instrumental in toppling the previous regime.
Failure to act again on behalf of the Libyan people will have dire consequences for Libya and the region. It would also be unethical.
We sincerely hope Bathily, a son of Africa, will succeed, building upon the efforts of his predecessors. Failure is not an option.
Libyans themselves, of course, must rise to the challenge as history does not look favourably upon those who squander their own nations.
Let us join our efforts with Bathily for the sake of Libya, Africa, the Mediterranean region and the entire world. One thing should be clear to all: unlike Beckett’s pathetic protagonists Vladimir and Estragon, Libya cannot wait for Godot.
Saadun Suayeh is the Ambassador of Libya to Malta. The views expressed in this article are strictly personal, reflecting in no way an official position.