Malta’s 1956 integration referendum: 70 years after
Had the 1956 integration referendum been honoured, Malta would now be a UK county, having joined and later left the EU with Britain, using the pound and sharing its institutions
On February 11-12, 1956, 70 years ago, Maltese citizens were asked to vote ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ in a referendum with this question: ‘Do you approve of the proposals as set out in the Malta Government Gazette of the 10th January, 1956?’
The proposals were far-reaching and dealt with the ‘integration’ of the Maltese islands with the United Kingdom. As presented by prime minister Dom Mintoff on behalf of the Maltese government, the political objective was a “complete equality of status between the two peoples”. Malta would elect three MPs to the House of Commons. The Maltese government would have complete jurisdiction on all domestic matters, except defence, foreign affairs and (eventually) direct taxation.
Under the new constitutional relationship, His Majesty’s Government would provide financial assistance to support a development plan whose goal would be “equivalence of standards with Great Britain”. Just as France had departmentalised its own overseas colonies of Réunion, French Guiana, Guadeloupe and Martinique 10 years before, Britain had the chance to do the same and, thus, ‘lock’ its position in the central Mediterranean.
77% of those who voted approved the integration proposals. But just 59% of eligible voters turned out to vote; and almost 3% of voters had spoilt their ballots. The opposition parties had called a boycott, claiming that the proposals had been forced through; and without offering ‘dominion status’ – as then enjoyed by Canada, Australia and New Zealand – as an option on the ballot.
The Roman Catholic Church also urged a boycott: it envisaged its privileged status in Malta threatened should the islands be incorporated into Anglican Britain.
In today’s atmosphere of voter indifference and dealignment, these statistics may have been interpreted as a mandate to proceed. But London had other ideas.
First, Mintoff was advised that the referendum was “premature”. Second, should the case for Malta be made successfully, it could be followed by many other colonies, from Bermuda to Mauritius. Third, the three Maltese MPs may hold the balance of power in the House of Commons. Fourth, it was going to cost: £10 million annually (equivalent to some £270 million at current prices). Of these scenarios, the fourth probably proved decisive. Britain refused to honour the referendum result.
When independence happened, in 1964, it was a leap of faith
Much had changed in London’s considerations of the value of Malta.
The George Cross island, pivotal in securing victory in the Mediterranean Theatre in World War II, was now ‘surplus to requirements’. Britain had no further business in the central Mediterranean. (Sovereign base areas in Cyprus would suffice.) This stance became clearer after Britain’s humiliation at Suez later in 1956 and its subsequent 1957 Defence White Paper.
Having started as reasonably optimistic in being able to strike a deal with the British government, Mintoff felt betrayed over the interpretation of what he considered a clear democratic mandate in favour of integration. His relations with London (and with the local Catholic Church) soured. His government eventually resigned in the tumultuous days of April 1958 when it was clear that Britain’s only interest was to ‘cut and run’; wash its hands of Malta.
What if the integration referendum result had been honoured? Malta would today be like a UK county. It would have joined the EU in 1973 and then left it with Brexit. Its head of state would be Charles III and it would be part of NATO. Its currency would be the British pound. If the French experience of departmentalisation is instructive, Malta’s standard of living as part of Britain would be comparable to but still lower than Britain.
The islands’ economy would be hopelessly undiversified, perhaps locked as a mainly tourism destination. The cost of living would also be comparatively higher, with a strong reliance on costly imports and on the UK welfare state. Local unemployment would be high and net out-migration to the UK would have followed.
One significant, though unintended, effect of the fallout from the 1956 integration referendum was how the Maltese political establishment found the unity of purpose to head towards independence. After all, ‘integration’ was a policy designed on the premise that the Maltese islands needed shelter. They simply lacked the scale, capacity, technological knowhow, capital investment and even the vision deemed necessary to survive on their own two feet in a post ‘fortress economy’ scenario. With London’s dismissal of the referendum result, that pathway suddenly evaporated.
Seven decades have proven this hypothesis wrong.
The horizons of possibility have been rudely extended. But that can only be said now, with the advantage of hindsight. When independence happened, in 1964, it was a leap of faith. It took the fallout from the integration referendum 70 years ago to nudge us towards that leap.
Godfrey Baldacchino is professor of sociology at the University of Malta.