Twenty-five years’ engagement in international diplomacy on climate change offer only a glimpse from the wings on to the stage of global geopolitics. However, some insights related to the Mediterranean region may be pertinent to the vision and outreach of Malta’s political and diplomatic leaders. These insights may be summed up in two words: Turkey and energy.
Turkey is a major demographic, economic and military presence, sprawling across geopolitical frontiers: Europe-Asia, Christianity-Islam, North-South… Since the end of the Ottoman Empire, it has been difficult to pin down its geopolitical location.
An anecdotal example: When, in finalising the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in 1992, the question arose whether to list Turkey among the “developed” countries, there was a difference of opinion within the Turkish delegation itself. The question remains blurred in that institutional context.
The issue of Turkey’s identity came to a head significantly in the divisive debate on its possible incorporation into the European Union, a debate sharpened by Turkey’s location in the path of irregular migration flows and by the contrasting postures of its President Erdogan and European populist leaders.
Malta’s historical trajectory unwound at a similarly complex, though minuscule, geopolitical crossroads. While we ended in the fold of Christianity and Western Europe, our colourful history shapes the perspective from which we observe Turkey’s evolution and, conceivably, could provide a basis for constructive input into Turkey’s relationship with the EU.
Energy – in particular the choice among energy sources – is a strategic economic factor for all countries.
Malta’s geopolitical situation could enable it to become a champion of the EU’s quest for Saharan energy and perhaps even a stepping stone in its delivery
The atmospheric impact of such choices, added together, is the main factor determining whether global climate change can be kept within limits that are safe for humanity. Energy choices thus affect both national economic efficiency and global sustainability.
The EU currently derives a significant part of its energy needs from imports of gas, the least polluting energy of the past. Some EU members – notably Germany and Poland – have not yet shrugged off dirty coal. Being committed to a climate-friendly energy future, the EU should work towards the politically ambitious prospect of securing and transporting solar energy from the Sahara.
Although Malta has only recently switched to gas, its geopolitical situation could enable it to become a champion of the EU’s quest for Saharan energy and perhaps even a stepping stone in its delivery. Today’s “Southern EU Summit” in Valletta could be an occasion to highlight that topic.
Finally, there is a Mediterranean context in which Turkey and energy come together. The EU is promoting the “Southern Gas Corridor”, a conjunction of pipelines that will bring Azeri gas from the Caspian to Puglia on a route passing through Turkey, among other countries (Georgia, Greece and Albania).
While this project cannot be presented under the “clean energy” label, it purports to counterbalance the EU’s politically undesirable reliance on Russian gas. Thereby, Turkey will become an important player in Europe’s energy economy.
The Southern Gas Corridor has generated political debate: partly because Azerbaijan scarcely outshines Russia in desirability; also because, while the Azeri State Oil Company (SOCAR) is a leading driver of the project, Russia’s Lukoil and Gazprom are involved. Nevertheless, the outgoing EU Commission under President Juncker has been determinedly supportive.
This brings to mind, as a footnote, German Chancellor Schroeder’s role in setting up the Nord Stream gas pipeline from Russia to Germany through the Baltic Sea and moving on, after leaving office in 2005, to chair its shareholders’ committee. (He still does and also chairs Rosneft, a Russian oil and gas major.)
It also recalls former UK Prime Minister Blair’s past advisory role in Kazakhstan, another ex-USSR country rich in oil and gas.
Clearly, the tentacles of fossil fuels can reach into political career development.
Michael Zammit Cutajar participated in international negotiations on climate change between 1991 and 2015.
This is a Times of Malta print opinion piece