Shinzo Abe was one of the most influential figures in post-war Japan. His assassination while giving a speech in the city of Nara shocked Japan and the entire world. It came two days before an election for the Upper House.
Japan is not a country known for its gun violence. Obtaining a gun licence is incredibly difficult; the images in the aftermath of the assassination show a weapon which was likely made at home. It is also a country where political assassinations seemed to be a thing of the past.
Prime Minister Fumio Kishida – who served under Abe as foreign minister – was visibly moved and appealed for a defence of “free and just elections, which are at the root of democracy”.
He described Abe as a “great leader who loved the nation, looked to the future and made great achievements in various fields for the future of this country”.
Abe’s sights on the future were undoubtedly rooted in his sense of the past. He came from a long line of distinguished public servants.
His maternal grandfather, Nobusuke Kishi, and his great-uncle, Eisaku Satō, served as prime ministers of Japan. His paternal grandfather was also a promising politician whose life was cut short, aged 51, by a massive heart attack. Abe’s father, Shintaro, served as foreign minister between 1982 and 1986.
This line of distinguished politicians undoubtedly peppered his worldview. Born in 1954, he was three when his grandfather became prime minister. Kishi’s history was chequered; he served as a cabinet member during World War II.
Yet, in the post-war era, despite rumoured war crimes, he was believed to be one of the best people to lead Japan. Nonetheless, he always harboured a view – one which Abe shared – that the constitution imposed on Japan by the United States needed to be rewritten. However, this did not prevent him from having excellent relations with the United States.
Abe remains one of the most impressive conservative Asian politicians. Moreover, he was one of the most important figures in Japanese politics simply through the length of his time in office. With few exceptions, Japanese prime ministers rarely lasted beyond 18 months in office. Abe’s two stints as prime minister made him the longest-serving office holder but also the most reliable and the most stable, thus raising Japan’s profile as a dependable regional world player.
Beijing’s economic and military posturing prompted him to form the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue in 2007. Abe intended to establish an ‘Asian arc of democracy’ which would keep in mind security issues while trying to advance matters concerning democracy, human rights and the rule of law. Beijing protested formally and dubbed it ‘Asian NATO’. Following a hiatus between 2009 and 2017, this process has been re-established.
These values were a cornerstone of Abe’s international politics. Indeed, in his brief one-day visit to Malta in May 2017, he mentioned values that should unite both countries: “democracy, freedom and the rule of law”.
Abe was a skilled diplomat. When Donald Trump was elected to the White House, Abe flew to New York and presented the president-elect with a gold golf club. This was not a meaningless gesture; Abe recognised the need to have a good relationship with one of Japan’s key allies in the face of the different developing global challenges. Continuity was key.
Shinzo Abe raised Japan’s profile as a dependable regional world player- André DeBattista
But Abe was also wary of developments in his neighbourhood. He believed the post-war Japanese constitution was somewhat ineffectual against modern challenges due to its pacifist tinges. Moreover, he was sceptical of China’s growing military might and felt Japan needed to respond with realistic defence spending.
This itself caused some divisions in Japan. Some accused him of giving a platform to revisionist and nationalist groups; others accused him (wrongly) of whitewashing Japan’s historic militarism.
His first stint as prime minister in 2006 ended after one year due to ill-health. His second tenure, however, was more remarkable. He took over when Japan was in recession. Moreover, Japan was still in shock after the earthquake and the subsequent tsunami in Tohoku – not to mention the resultant damage to the Fukushima nuclear reactor. His position was unenviable. Yet, he met these challenges with a degree of success.
Abe sought to promote ‘Abenomics’, his personal brand of economic policy which attempted to rejuvenate the domestic economy. He was not shy to promote this the world over. Abe believed that the female labour force was underused and sought to promote women’s participation in the workforce. Moreover, he took Japan into the Trans-Pacific Partnership, overriding the opposition from the influential domestic farming lobby.
The success of Abenomics was mixed. Attempts to empower women in the workplace, tackle nepotism and change the gruelling work culture remained tricky. Moreover, his encouraging domestic tourism during the COVID-19 crisis was a critical contributor to rising infection rates.
Concerns over his administration were also rife. He stepped down after announcing that his ulcerative colitis had returned. His resignation, however, did not mean that his influence on Japanese politics diminished. He declined to name a successor and continued to influence domestic politics. Two prime ministers have since succeeded him.
He was the last prime minister of Emperor Akihito and the first of Emperor Naruhito, thus being the figure to preside over the transition between the era of Heisei (‘becoming peace’) and Reiwa (‘beautiful harmony’).
Perhaps, Abe’s political positions reflect this transition, from one where peace is taken as a sine-qua-non to one where peace is not enough since it has become too much of an ‘absence of conflict’. In this regard, harmony becomes essential. However, the question remains; how does one achieve this?
Though some of his policies were described as ‘hawkish’, Abe represented the need for a new generation of politicians to reassess their previous definitions of peace and that the post-war consensus has, sadly, come to an irreversible end.
His voice will be sorely missed in this debate.
André DeBattista is a political scientist.