Status quo

Over three months have elapsed since the fateful verdict of the April 12 general election translated into political reality. Remarkably enough, just as the outcome of the polls was predictable for all to discern, equally so all post-election expectations fell short of fulfilment. The minimum consensus that pervades the Maltese political divide amounts to an institutional commitment for preventing progressive change. Both the government and the opposition are caught in deep slumber, drowsing in a protracted summer siesta of not insignificant political indifference. Indeed unresponsive lethargy is so far the net result of much-awaited changes systematically shelved in an apparent cross-partisan accord aimed at absorbing the growing tumult of public dissatisfaction.

General discontent rages at the way on the one hand the Labour opposition has only partially altered its pre-election antics while on the other hand the ever-diminishing political presence of Prime Minister Eddie Fenech Adami is revealing the patent incompetence that emanates from the current cabinet allocation of ministerial responsibilities.

This is creating the unprecedented paradoxical situation whereby within barely 100 days from the convincing Nationalist electoral victory, public opinion is already dismissive of this government's administrative performance, though still loyally supportive of its policies. Conversely, whatever the opposition's efforts at portraying a deteriorating situation this is immediately counterbalanced by the factual resilience that at the end of the day there is no credible political alternative since in practice Labour remains a far cry from being an alternative government in gestation.

Despite the changes in the leadership circles with Charles Mangion and Michael Falzon replacing the outgoing George Vella and Joe Brincat respectively, the two incoming personalities have failed so far to leave the desired imprint and decisively winch up the floodgates of radical transformation. The expected departure from traditionally unproductive policy stances did not materialise precisely because the switchover to new moderate deputy leaders is not enough. What is still imperatively required is the immediate ousting of the Labour leader. It is useless replacing the lieutenants if the crucial steering hand is not substituted with a more adequate and preferably untested leadership. Hanging on to a headship that has been thrice successively dismissed by a consistent majority of the Maltese electorate is bound to lead Labour absolutely nowhere except to doom and gloom.

Labour is in dire need of political restructuring. To effectively bring to port such a delicate operation, the party needs to unveil a long-term programme that sees it steadfastly committed to a radical renunciation of its recent adulterous fling with the opposition benches. To overcome the ever-growing perception of Labour as the natural party of opposition, especially among the younger age brackets of Maltese society, it is indispensable that the party plunges upon a drastic path of revitalisation through a campaign of wider political appeal.

True, reaching out to the youth and floating elements that do not pertain to a clear partisan fold has been the avowed objective of Dr Falzon's brief as deputy leader for party affairs. However the budding of Labour youth committees at district and local level is not necessarily indicative of a wider and a more organised membership since fragmentation along diverse factions remains the outstanding and easiest to detect feature of Labour's internal political squabbles.

This lack of cohesion is primarily attributable to the fact that the diverse political strands within Labour do not find a convergent rallying point behind the current leadership since this post-election triumvirate is the result of a compromise of convenience. The expediency of political survival has derailed the internal democratic process from its supposed aim of injecting a new lease of life within the feeble Labour corpse. Put very simply the intensive therapy required the immediate ushering in of a new young and dynamic leadership completely untainted with past blunders while endowed with a long-term political vision for restructuring the party as well as governance skills for the country.

This opportunity was wasted, thrown literally to the wind. Now our country's hypothetical government-to-be in 2007 is enmeshed in a desultory and partially completed transition process. Instead of grabbing the unique opportunity, junior Labour politicians and party members simply backed down in front of the opportunistically defensive stand taken by the small but powerful handful of officials resiliently propping Dr Sant's power base.

Acquiescent acceptance of the situation is rendering counter productive Labour's tentative opening up to willing political actors from outside the party's rank and file. Indeed a siege mentality still dominates Labour's mentality, effectively buttressing the party's traditional paranoia and self-pitying attitudes. Consequently, constructive criticism whatever its origins is hastily dismissed as a Nationalist-inspired camouflaged attempt at fomenting surreptitious behaviour.

Conversely, this plays well into the hands of the spinners who do their outmost to preserve the much-revered leadership cult, a despicable propaganda practice reminiscent of Dom Mintoff's legacy that still haunts 'New Labour'. Doing away with such authoritarian observances is a priority for Labour just as much as it urgently needs to address the legitimate democratic demands of the Maltese citizenry at large for a new and truly different mode of formulating and articulating policy.

This must be done straight away especially in the light of the rapid build-up of administrative flounders committed by the current Nationalist legislature. What is sustaining the Nationalists in power is simply the lack of a credible and working alternative to the incumbent in power almost uniterruptedly since 1987. As long as Labour is not credible, that is as long as Alfred Sant pilots Labour, the Nationalists will remain the only viable option for government.

A sheer pity, considering how, with every fleeting day, the tangible centre-stage political absence of Fenech Adami discloses the deep clefts which exist between supposedly cabinet comrades in arms as their manifest fraternity emerges as merely a charade for media consumption.

While Minister Ninu Zammit and rebellious Parliamentary backbencher Jeffrey Pullicino Orlando exchange blows over the strategic (district) location of the proposed landfills, Tourism Minister Francis Zammit Dimech is still caught up deciphering what exactly such a responsible portfolio entails. Meanwhile tourist arrivals figures keep dwindling, turning the numerous restaurants and bars that dot the Sliema-St Julian's promenade into phantom businesses.

Justice and Home Affairs Minister Tonio Borg is miserably persuading us that illegal migrants are safely under lock when two scores of such detainees managed to break out of the Police Depot in broad daylight without anyone accountable for such a blatant and unheard of security breach. In the meantime, Deputy Prime Minister Lawrence Gonzi is obliged to tread carefully his path due to Austin Gatt's rising star, that is by now decidedly outshining Finance Minister John Dalli's pretentiously glimmering but unfortunately hollow claims at successfully reigning in the government's runaway budget deficits.

The irony of the situation is that while the Nationalist ministers are just starting out on their deeply competitive bids for the privileged post of Fenech Adami's Dauphin, Labour has so far still failed to grasp the political reality that only with a truly changed leadership will it be able to launch new credible policies. Unless this occurs, the political verdict of 2007 is already foretold with an indefatigable repeat of what had occurred precisely 20 years before. There is absolutely nothing hindering Labour from electoral success, only its politically expired leader is preventing it from making the qualitative leap forward. The solution is there, perhaps too simple at first glance, as key to overall success. Yet appraising this paradoxical status quo requires no intellectually taxing Harvard logic!