The European constitution

As the centralised power of Brussels grows steadily stronger the ability of many European governments to adequately represent their electorate has declined. To compound this problem people's expectations have been allowed to grow to levels that exceed...

As the centralised power of Brussels grows steadily stronger the ability of many European governments to adequately represent their electorate has declined. To compound this problem people's expectations have been allowed to grow to levels that exceed what is realistically possible and sustainable.

As a consequence, the relationship between the electorate and the national government can become dislocated, people cease to vote and the collective will is shattered; societies that are encouraged to forget their past rather than constructively engage with it, or are no longer constrained by their past ultimately, become societies with many lawyers and much litigation, societies in which minority interest group politics and extremism can develop.

The long march to European federalism should have been a pilgrimage; it is not and never has been. The road we have been treading has undermined what might have been possible. However, the union of Europe is now reaching a tipping point, a point at which the affairs of Europe are likely to unravel.

The European people have been patient as one treaty after the next has been generally foisted upon them. In Britain that patience has worn dangerously thin among many. We can be led but not dictated to, we will listen but we expect a realistic assessment that is not at variance with perceived reality.

The present British government has fortunately been brought to recognise that a decision of such enormity as the adoption of the new European constitution cannot be imposed and, despite being a representative democracy, a referendum is to be held in Britain on this new treaty. It is likely to have a negative outcome.

In holding a referendum to determine the will of the people of Britain the British government has acknowledged the basic right of the people of this nation to decide how they wish to be governed and by whom. This right is not theirs alone.

The British people have made great sacrifices in the past to defend this right and in doing so they have never considered their own democracy or liberty of any greater importance than that of the people of mainland Europe, to whom they have been extremely loyal and feel a genuine warmth of commitment.

The nature of the European project has long been fully apparent to many, but sovereign identities and national institutions still remain of the greater importance among people throughout much of Europe. The European Union has not inspired the level of confidence that is required to pursue further integration or a federal agenda.

The addition of the eastern European nations to the Union has been a much needed breath of fresh air in an EU grown stale, corrupt and whose democratic credentials are questionable; it would be particularly unfortunate for such newly re-emerged nations to lose their sovereign freedom having only so recently regained it.

The new European constitution is at best confused and unworkable and it is clearly inappropriate for any small group of nations, however powerful, to try to dictate the European agenda to the other member states, and I include Britain in this statement.

If this new constitution fails to be ratified it could provide a much needed opportunity to develop a simple, workable set of rules, in a less complex language than hitherto, that could adequately reflect the will of the people of Europe. These rules should not impose federal government similar to the US, or in any way damage the sovereign ability of nations to naturally develop and evolve.

Such a treaty should enable us to live and work to our mutual benefit and protection, without imposing rights that undermine our civil rights or national law. The limitation of centralised power should also be clearly stated.

Institutions that do not grow from the collective will are usually doomed to failure and the European project in its present form will be no exception, having destroyed much of that which was good within our countries.

A new start is required in which the collective will and not power block politics eventually becomes the basis for a deeper unity, a unity that is not imposed top downwards.

The unity of Europe is important and this should provide a challenge to all European governments, especially those who would deny, for whatever reason, their electorate a referendum on the new European constitution or future treaties.

If the people of Europe are to go joyfully forward, it should be together or not at all.

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