One of the most politically turbulent periods in Malta’s post-Independence history, on which the dust may now be starting to settle, presented a golden opportunity for the Nationalist Party to become a beacon in the midst of the confusion.

Instead, the political weather on the fundamental issues at the heart of the tumult – rule of law and justice – has largely been made by civil society groups.

While the surge in civic society activism has been a healthy and welcome development, the official Opposition has been mute and ineffectual by comparison. In the first confident days of the new prime minister’s administration, Robert Abela appears to be giving more weight to issues highlighted by Repubblika than any concerns of the leader of the Opposition.

What does a cold, hard look at the PN tell us about its current state?

In a thriving democracy, at such a pivotal moment in its history, it is vitally important that the government – especially one that enjoys such a commanding majority – should be faced by an effective Opposition holding it to account every step of the way.

The PN should be seen as the government-in-waiting. Unless the electorate regards it in that way, the leader of the Opposition has failed in his job.

Recent events have combined to turn the clock back to last July when the future of Adrian Delia was hanging by a thread. He bought time then by persuading his party to await the outcome of a reform programme led by former minister Louis Galea, whose recommendations are due by the end of this month. Meanwhile, proposals, some rather radical, have been fed into the process by MP Claudio Grech.

Galea’s report is being written against the background of a Nationalist Party which stands demoralised and still not united, even more so now than when Lawrence Gonzi was brought down in 2013. The eventual proposals for reform must turn the PN into a party capable of forging a majority. These proposals must lead to the development of policies which not only inspire and motivate the activists already committed to the party but also the large number who deserted it in droves in 2013 and 2017.

Among others, the party needs to focus on embracing liberal issues and promise on delivering a green agenda, which has become important for today’s younger generation.

For the PN to succeed, the reforms must rebuild the party brick by brick.

In the final analysis, however, all Galea’s efforts to revitalise the party’s organisation and debt-ridden finances will not succeed in changing its current abject situation unless the PN stands unified behind its leader. Delia must find ways of healing the wounds that have fractured the party in the last decade. The party brand depends crucially on the role of the leader.

It is the leader’s job to create a united party from many diverse elements. His party-political skills must be paramount. He must be capable of inspiring the PN by re-instilling discipline and the desire for power. He must select and motivate a more dynamic parliamentary front bench of shadow ministers.

The issue of the PN’s leadership is all the more relevant given the smooth transition of power that has just occurred in the Labour Party. It seems inevitable, therefore, that whatever recommendations for reform Galea’s report makes, the burning question of Delia’s leadership qualities will resurface and transcend them.

As civil society groups continue to influence the country’s immediate agenda, the PN is at a crossroads between survival and irrelevance. The choices it makes now will determine its path and define its future.