Post-war, pressure for a dismantling of colonial empires occurred. Under the aegis of the United Nations, a new world order promised security for small populations aspiring to nationhood. In this environment, Malta found itself gravitating towards an independence destiny.
Rather than independence, in the 1950s, Dom Mintoff pushed for Malta’s integration with the United Kingdom. This proposal was at first endorsed by the British, however, they subsequently withdrew their support after a favourable, but unconvincing, referendum result.
Evolving military strategic considerations and misgivings about the precedent of having four ‘foreign’ MP’s in the House of Commons, tipped the balance against integration.
As a departure was inevitable, in the period 1958 to 1964, the British had to identify which leader, Dom Mintoff or George Borg Olivier, could responsibly assume the task to lead independent Malta. The choice, in favour of the steady and reliable nationalist Borg Olivier, and the avoidance of the impetuous, intolerant and intractable labour Mintoff, in effect, highlighted the radically different character, even up to today, of the nationalist and labour parties and their respective electorates.
Post-1964 independence George Borg Olivier cautiously led a micro nation of 360,000 citizens. The challenge was daunting and massive naval services redundancies highlighted the urgency to change a military-based economy to one focused on manufacturing, tourism, a commercial dockyard and services. Foreign investment was sought and Borg Olivier manoeuvred to ensure continued goodwill and assistance from the British and the European Common Market.
Malta started to head towards a viability that would diminish a high rate of emigration and improve the standard of living. Borg Olivier was clear on the need for a Maltese economic, political and security engagement with Europe.
From 1964 to 1971, not much support to the Borg Olivier government was forthcoming from the Labour opposition.
In the 1971 election year, a spurious industrial action by a small number of key employees shut down the dockyard for six months, with practically all employees still on full pay. This proved financially ruinous and Borg Olivier’s efforts to achieve commercial viability and a reliable reputation for the yard were nullified.
Mintoff narrowly won the 1971 election. He came along with a baggage of frustrations, a failed integration with the UK, retribution, relatively justified, versus the Church, and a levantine bargaining style, displayed in the saga of the renting out of Malta as a military base.
On top of all this, Mintoff implemented expired fabian socialist projects. He set up a paramilitary workers’ pioneer corps, a dubious university student worker scheme and a state bulk-buying agency to import foodstuffs. The cherry on the cake was the substitution of Borg Olivier’s European leanings by an embracement of Communist China, North Korea and Gaddafi’s Libya.
For 14 years, confrontations and tension characterised Mintoff’s governance. We witnessed a ruthlessly suppressed doctors’ strike, retrograde university ‘reforms’ and a crippling prohibition of fees applicable to religious schools. Violence reared its ugly head, PN clubs would be smashed and PN political meetings broken up.
The burning of the Times of Malta offices and a ‘crowd’ attack on the opposition leader’s family home instilled great fear. The murder of Karen Grech and Raymond Caruana shocked the island. Unpredictability and brinkmanship became the style of rule and increasing corruption and impunity (Lorry Sant and co.), started to rear their head.
Responsibly, Rhodes scholar Dom Mintoff consented to solve the 1981 Labour ‘minority votes/majority seats’ constitutional crises and 1987 saw the Nationalists back in government. Retaining and building on good features, like Air Malta, the Freeport and valid social measures, Eddie Fenech Adami proceeded to undo an economic model with heavy state involvement, allowing the private sector to operate more freely.
Most important, the state invested in professionally-planned productive infrastructure projects including a new airport, a new power station, reverse osmosis plants, a new hospital and an environment congenial to IT development. Fenech Adami started a rapprochement with Europe formally requesting EU membership.
Reintroducing diffidence towards Europe, the EU membership application was derailed by Alfred Sant, this after a labour election victory in 1996.
Sant soon faced a showdown with Mintoff over a development plan of the Vittoriosa waterfront. The issue was minor but Mintoff’s hostility and intransigence were major, revealing an unjustified resentment versus Sant.
The Labour electorate appears unable to understand and support basic notions of good governance- Arthur Muscat
An intellectually resourceful Sant could have become the catalyst for changes in many dubious Labour economic and political leanings as well as anti-democratic attitudes, but it was not to be. A 1996 Mintoff-induced premature election was lost by Sant.
Back in power, Fenech Adami, conscious of the precarious hold that Malta had on mature democratic values, stepped on the accelerator, destination Europe. Alfred Sant and Joseph Muscat led a formidable opposition to Malta’s EU accession.
Their effort proved unsuccessful and Malta, in 2004, became an EU member.
From 2004 to 2013, under Lawrence Gonzi, Malta enjoyed steady, tension-free progress, overcoming a world economic recession with minor negative repercussions. Gonzi narrowly won the 2008 election but his administration, in the eyes of many voters, appeared exhausted. The PN was ageing and blissfully unaware of radical societal changes. The LGBTIQ and divorce nationalist debacles projected Labour as a nimble progressive movement, this in spite of its known democratically deficient past.
Led by Joseph Muscat, Labour fine-tuned the 2013 onslaught on the PN. We know of state-of-the-art help from international shady consultant wolves. We know of unlimited financial resources for the campaign provided by corrupt individuals and lobby groups.
In its majority, the electorate embraced a dodgy ‘promise all’ Labour Party, not once but twice, in 2013 and 2017. Closing a predictable viscious circle Malta saw a spike in corruption, with impunity to fraudsters and the political assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia.
Over the years, a pattern emerges of relatively decent nationalist governance alternating with a loss of serenity under labour, but now, with an opposition in disarray, this pattern cannot recur.
Overall, the Nationalist electorate appears quite tolerant and democratic in its outlook.
In contrast, the Labour electorate appears unable to understand and support basic notions of good governance. To scandalous cronyism, corruption and stealing of taxpayers’ money Labour responds with unquestioning loyalty and closing of ranks.
To be fair, Malta’s shortfall in mature responsible nationhood is the fault, not in equal measure, of both outfits, PL an PN.
Save for a number of well-known and committed ones, no abundance of integrity and competence is displayed by our MPs. It is falling upon civil society organisations to educate, sustain and give hope to disillusioned citizens.
Arthur Muscat is former president, Malta Employers’ Association.