“Rest assured, I did nothing behind Joseph Muscat’s back.” This was Keith Schembri’s sworn testimony to the Caruana Galizia inquiry.

Not once but three times, Schembri insisted that whatever he did, Muscat knew about. 

“Did you tell Joseph Muscat of your friendship with Yorgen Fenech,” he was asked.

Schembri could have simply answered “Yes, I did”. Instead,  his answer revealed much more. “Muscat knew everything. I hid nothing from him.”

Schembri’s calculated revelation is an intimidating message to Muscat. It is also a message to the nation: I wasn’t alone. Don’t blame me, Muscat was the boss.

Schembri was determined to get his message across.

He was asked by the inquiry board whether he knew cabinet ministers claimed he betrayed Muscat.

Again, another message for Joseph: “I am still friends with Joseph Muscat” ‒ till now. He insisted “I never did anything without informing the prime minister.”

Schembri wasn’t an out of control maverick. He was just following the roadmap ‒ Joseph’s roadmap.

Schembri’s message rings loud and clear. Those, like Robert Abela who claimed, in that chaotic cabinet meeting in November 2019 when Schembri resigned as chief of staff that “Keith Schembri f**ked you”, were wrong. Schembri was adamant: Muscat “knew” everything, planned everything.

Schembri’s testimony at the inquiry had one clear objective ‒ delivering a message to Muscat: “You must continue to protect me because if I go down, you will too; I know too much about you.”

To prove the point that he was willing to squeal on Muscat if necessary, he revealed he had informed Muscat who the ultimate beneficial owner of 17 Black was.

Muscat had repeatedly denied knowing who owned 17 Black.

What Schembri was really telling us was that Muscat had lied.

What he was telling Muscat was: beware, I will talk if I have to.

Muscat got the message.

Schembri was arraigned and accused of money laundering, creating documents with false information, using false names, illegal means, details or untruths to mislead, making profits to the detriment of others, associating with others in Malta and abroad to commit a crime punishable with jail, corrupting others, making false declarations to public authorities, giving false testimony in court, presenting false documents, falsifying public documents and consciously making use of false documents.

Yet, as Muscat was being chased by the media for comments about the dramatic developments surrounding his former chief of staff, he uploaded a timid Facebook post. He did not even dare mention Schembri’s name.

“This is all I have to say,” Muscat commented.

All gently tip-toe around the chief, desperately avoiding upsetting him in any way- Kevin Cassar

“A number of persons, particularly Times of Malta, are accused of a case of  alleged corruption in the private sector which happened during the PN administration.”

Muscat quivers in terror in front of the menacing Schembri.

Muscat’s stranglehold on the party is demonstrated by the mindless repetition of the lies in his false post by the party apparatus.

It was just one case of corruption in the private sector. (There were many cases and they occurred deep inside his government, one relating to his golden passport scheme.)

Everything occurred under a PN administration. (The corruption, forgeries, lies and falsehoods continued right until Schembri’s resignation in 2019 and beyond).

Schembri knows that if he retains control of Muscat, he controls the party.

Chris Fearne, deputy prime minister, testified before the same inquiry that Muscat refused to discuss sacking Schembri, even after serious revelations about him.

“He is my person of trust and it’s up to me to decide, not cabinet,” Muscat reportedly told Fearne.

Schembri’s position was “not up for discussion”.

On May 22, 2016, after the Panama Papers revelation, Schembri refused to answer journalists’ questions. He declared he had no intention of resigning. He simply ignored the Panama Papers. 

Instead, he launched a brutal attack on those exposing his treachery. He accused the Times of “manufacturing a conspiracy” against him.

In typical ruthlessness, he claimed he had given a €1.5 million loan to Progress Press.

“The Times is well aware of the identity of that client,” he blackmailed. (Allied Group had later clarified it did not have loans of any nature with its suppliers.)

Schembri lacerated the PN for “fomenting instability by attacking the country’s institutions”. Yet, in the last Facebook post before his incarceration, he attacked the institutions, the inquiring magistrate, the inquiry findings and court experts.

“All people of goodwill expect a measured and temperate forum of democratic debate, not cloak-and-dagger machinations and conspiracy theories,” he falsely concluded.

Nobody is more adept at cloak-and-dagger machinations than Keith “il-Kasco”. And it is that skill that gives him reassurance that, soon enough, he will be free.

“How well I’m screwed,” was Muscat’s first thought as Daphne Caruana Galizia was exterminated. As Schembri tightens that screw, Muscat has lost his swagger.

He is a tormented soul, living in fear that an angered Schembri will spill the beans.

It is no surprise that, in the face of such damning evidence (or proof, as Labour’s faithful prefer to call it) against Schembri, there is complete silence – from the Labour Party, from Muscat and from Abela.

Not a single sentence of regret, apology or contrition.

No denouncement or statement.

All gently tip-toe around the chief, desperately avoiding upsetting him in any way. Muscat fears naming him. The Labour Party scapegoats the Times. And from Abela, a pathetic and nervous response: “I can only answer for what I did.”

Indeed he should, for the years of cowardly condoning Schembri’s perfidy.

The dossiers on the prime minister, ministers, parliamentary secretaries and others Schembri offered to share with Pierre Portelli now come in handy.

They are Schembri’s levers of control. 

Their contents will start leaking unless Schembri gets what he wants.

Schembri’s testimony rings deafeningly in Muscat’s ears, day and night:

“Rest assured, I did nothing behind his back.”

We were in it together, forever friends. 

We will not be parted – whether roaming free or incarcerated – in Baku or Kordin.

Kevin Cassar is a professor of surgery and former PN candidate.