The public inquiry report into the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia was published a year ago, on July 29. It is more of a report on the state of the nation than most others can claim to be insofar as it gives an analysis of how Malta’s affairs are administered. At least for those whose shades are not politically blinkered, its outcomes are damning.

Much fanfare was orchestrated by the government to impress upon those who bother about these things that it has taken the public inquiry recommendations on board. In reality, the government has spat on the recommendations on too many occasions.

It has treated the report like that awful sweater you’ve received from a loved one; you’re always throwing it at the bottom of your closet trying to forget it exists so you won’t have to wear it beyond the one time at a family gathering in your home. It’s just enough for you not to be accused of rejecting the gift you have received.

I suspect a bit more fanfare will be thrown at us soon. After all, if the prime minister was, a few weeks ago in June, graced with receiving the opinion of his Committee of Experts on his own proposals to strengthen journalism in Malta, then how much more time does he need before announcing some more of his fanfare?

There is also another aspect of the inquiry report that the government has consistently been running away from. The inquiry gave testimony to the “real abusive manner in which business operates in its relations with public administration. Connections which are developed based on a system of friends and strategic interests. This leads to situations where, while on paper it appears that those involved have observed applicable laws and regulations, they would, in fact, be finding ways of circumventing those laws and regulations. This with the aim of acquiring an undue advantage which often translates into an unjust profit even at the expense of competitors and at the expense of society”.

The public inquiry is one of the best studies in the symbiotic relationship between governance and freedom of expression. Bad governance feeds on weak public watchdogs and on a society that does not claim its freedom of expression and its right to access information, allowing the selected few to gain. Conversely, where strong public watchdogs and good governance coexist, the country and its citizens stand to gain.

That Abela’s government has unwittingly or consciously made a decision to continue operating on the same business-friendly mechanism as Joseph Muscat’s government did, clearly shows that the government would like us all to bury the inquiry recommendations at the bottom of our closet.

The highest echelons of power, Castille itself, sees strengthening press freedom, controlling development and addressing racism as too politically sensitive- Therese Comodini Cachia

Asked by the press to confirm whether Abela met businessmen following the news that they are under investigation for money laundering, the Office of the Prime Minister quickly boasted that Abela regularly meets investors to discuss their investment projects but also any potential challenges relative to their investment.

A few days before, the same Office of the Prime Minister quickly confirmed that it had withdrawn its consent for a student’s performance to be held at Castille Square but also that,  as soon as Abela found what his own staff had done, he “gave a clear direction that the activity is to take place”. All this after the student went public.

Now there’s no hiding behind the fact that OPM staff are handpicked by Abela himself, presumably because they know exactly what he wants from his own government and, more so, from his own office. And because they execute decisions taken in line with his political direction, they take two decisions within a few weeks of each other.

They censored a performance about the state’s impunity leading to the assassination of a journalist, the killing of a woman by the construction greed it feeds and the murder of a man in circumstances where racism is allowed to thrive. Then, they provide persons under investigation for money laundering with a personal meeting with the prime minister to discuss their investments and potential challenges related thereto.

The message is clear. The highest echelons of power, Castille itself, sees strengthening press freedom, controlling development and addressing racism as issues too politically sensitive and risky to be exposed right at the feet of Abela. But the links of Abela with those investigated of money laundering to discuss the challenges of their investment projects are not.

One year down the line from the public inquiry, an inquiry that has been hailed internationally as good practice, OPM has yet to come to grips with the mentality shift that is required of any prime minister that is invited to serve at Castille rather than occupy it.

Therese Comodini Cachia is a lawyer and a former Nationalist MP.