One of the most iconic adverts of the 1990s features an ageing man accompanied by his granddaughter. They settle comfortably in a restaurant booth. Other onlookers are surprised that the gentleman is Mikhail Gorbachev, the former general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and erstwhile leader of the Soviet Union.

His presence sparks a debate. One man accuses him of everything going wrong in post-Soviet Russia; economic confusion, political instability, complete chaos. On the other hand, a younger man praises him for bringing opportunity, freedom and hope. The debate gets heated; a woman interrupts it: “because of him, we have many things, like Pizza Hut!”

In many ways, this debate summarises the Gorbachev legacy – divisive at home while being an admired celebrity abroad. The advert itself is also a commentary on his legacy. Who would have ever thought that the top Soviet official would end up fronting an advert for an American multinational?

He was born in the USSR to a poor peasant family in March 1931. He moved to Stavropol after obtaining his law degree. In 1970, he was appointed first party secretary of the Stavropol Regional Committee. His rise through the ranks was meteoric; secretary of the party’s Central Committee in 1978, a member of the Politburo in 1979, and general secretary in 1985.

Gorbachev came to the helm of a country which was nominally a superpower. It had cutting-edge military technology but declining economic growth. It had excellent research institutes, which were of little use in a political system that rewarded conformity and punished dissent.

By the early 1980s, the Soviet Union was a gerontocracy. Brezhnev had been ailing for over a year before his death in November 1982. His successor, Yuri Andropov, suffered complete renal failure months into his tenure. Konstantin Chernenko spent much of his term in hospital until he died in 1985. Ronald Reagan quipped: “How am I supposed to get any place with the Russians if they keep dying on me?”

On the same day of Chernenko’s death, Gorbachev called a meeting of the Politburo. By the following afternoon, he was confirmed as general secretary.

The Soviet leadership did not think highly of reformists. Many later complained that they had no clue that Gorbachev would completely overhaul the system. Gorbachev was the youngest, strongest and most intelligent of the Politburo. His election to the post would lead to the most transformative events of the 20th century.

Gorbachev will be remembered for his flagship glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). These policies entailed a rethinking of the Soviet approach. Firstly, there was less concern about international posturing and a greater focus on domestic reform.

Secondly, there was a reappraisal of the need for policies to be more pragmatic rather than ideological. Finally, Gorbachev was more concerned with what technical experts, rather than military ones, thought.

In February 1986, during his first official visit to Western Europe, he described Europe as “our common home” (though his perception of Europe also included the United States and Canada). He was feted in all the European capitals. He met Pope John Paul II just before the Malta summit. There was, however, little enthusiasm for some policies he promoted, not least on removing the nuclear deterrent (Margaret Thatcher was right – one cannot simply “de-invent” nuclear weapons).

He successfully brought reform to countries in the Soviet sphere of influence. In East Germany, Gorbachev embarked on an official visit to mark the 40th anniversary of the DDR’s founding.

However, relations with  then leader Erich Honecker were not good. When pressed by East Berliners, Gorbachev cryptically replied that history punishes those left behind.

The international order which replaced the Cold War bipolarity is infinitely more complex and dangerous- André DeBattista

Surprisingly, Moscow did not baulk at demands for reform. Except for Nicolae Ceaucescu’s Romania, several bloodless revolutions took place in Eastern Europe. The opening of the Berlin Wall, perhaps, was the most visible sign of how significant this change was.

In Malta’s historiography, the 1989 Malta summit has a special place of pride. In an academic study I authored, I argue that this event had a dual purpose. On the one hand, it brought an element of hope; on the other hand, this hope proved illusory and fallacious. The international order which replaced the Cold War bipolarity is infinitely more complex and dangerous.

Moreover, the meetings’ transcripts show that the USSR’s break-up was never on the cards. Instead, the United States aimed to effectively support Gorbachev in his reforms and transform the USSR into a more open and democratic society. Similarly, Gorbachev intended to have “Socialism, Socialism and more Socialism” – there were limits to the reforms he wanted to undertake.

One of the tests for Gorbachev came in the Baltic states. Moscow resisted the calls for their independence. The military intervened, killing 13 people in Vilnius and four in Riga. Gorbachev denied complicity. This raised another question; what authority did Gorbachev have if he could not control his military?

Indeed, his political end signified that he could no longer command respect and the loyalty of those closest to him.

That the USSR and the Warsaw Pact were dismantled largely peacefully is mainly down to him. Yet Russia today finds itself seething from this development. The prevalent attitude is that Gorbachev had no right to dismantle the USSR. Indeed, Vladimir Putin has even described the dismantling of this union as a great tragedy.

Gorbachev was a great leader because he had the courage of conviction. Unlike other Russian leaders, he was not overbearing but was personally charming, persuasive, eloquent, and able to accept criticism. As a result, his legacy in the international sphere proved to be lasting.

Yet within Russia, his legacy has been dismantled; his leadership style has never been replicated.

A quarter of a century after the iconic Pizza Hut commercial was filmed, that same restaurant chain halted its operation due to Russian aggression abroad. This, perhaps, is the most significant sign of the limits of the Gorbachev revolution.

André DeBattista is a political writer and academic in the field of political science, international relations and religion and public life.