When the Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands – the Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU) – was born 75 years ago, few would have imagined the impact this would have on Germany and Europe.
Though many try, it would be hard to imagine the European continent without some form of organisation which tries to foster cooperation among the different countries. In this regard, the role of the CDU cannot be underestimated. Nor can we ignore the principles of Christian Democracy which underpinned much of what the CDU stood for.
These principles have been best articulated by the philosopher Jacques Maritain. Looking at the devastation left behind by World War II, he wrote on the need for “vision and will” to muster the “energies of intellectual and moral reform.” He believed that democracies could only achieve peace “on condition that the Christian inspiration and the democratic inspiration recognise each other and become reconciled.”
In this regard, “No lasting peace will be possible if the regimes in question do not imply approval of the essential bases of common life, respect for human dignity and the rights of the person.”
The roots of Christian Democracy in Germany pre-date the catastrophe of the two World Wars. Due to its opposition to Otto von Bismarck’s Kulturkampf, the ‘Centre Party’ conveyed the image of a ‘Catholic’ party. It primarily campaigned for religious liberty, respect for the Church and its autonomy, provisions for the founding of denominational schools and constitutional rights.
Its centrist position allowed the party to be a kingmaker in various political coalitions. Nonetheless, these apparent strengths sowed the seeds of the Centre Party’s eventual demise.
In the aftermath of the Great War, the party became a key coalition partner in almost every government of the ill-fated Weimar Republic. Moreover, to maintain its centrist position, it had to accommodate many different views – Republicans and Monarchists, left-wingers and right-wingers. This remains a persistent problem within Christian Democratic groupings.
It rejected the “violent overthrow of constitutional structures”. It called for a strong state, backed by popular sovereignty, which can provide stability. While it initially opposed National Socialism, the different internal factions and conflicts made this opposition ineffective. The leadership of the Centre Party even supported the Enabling Act, which gave Chancellor Adolf Hitler the power to enact laws without the involvement of the Reichstag. Hitler had no intention of respecting the guarantees demanded by the party; by supporting this act, the Centre Party signed its death warrant.
The idea of European integration is central to the values of the CDU- André DeBattista
The decision taken by the leadership was hardly unanimous. Several members of the Centre Party were very active in the Nazi Resistance. Once this regime collapsed, they founded a new party – the Christian Democratic Union – and this party remains a force to be reckoned with both in Germany and Europe.
It sought to rectify some of the shortcomings of the former Centre Party. Firstly, it wanted to bring into its fold as many democratic forces as was possible. This served to prevent the political fragmentation which allowed for the rise of totalitarianism.
Secondly, it was an inter-confessional party bringing together Catholics, Protestants and those who had no religious beliefs. This was never done at the expense of principle and its Christian ethos.
Thirdly, it sought to reassure and build bridges with the victors of the war without sacrificing its own vision for the country. The Social-Democrats were willing to make concessions to the Soviet Union for reunification even at the expense of fundamental freedoms. In contrast, the CDU envisioned Germany as an ally of the West, in opposition to Soviet dominance, even at the cost of unity.
Throughout its 75-year history, it had some outstanding statesmen.
Konrad Adenauer, the chancellor of West Germany from 1949 to 1963, shaped the modern German state. His pro-Western outlook was crucial to establishing West Germany as a viable Western partner. His successor, Ludwig Erhard, was equally impressive. His support for the Vietnam War marred his popularity.
Both statesmen presided over a ‘Miracle on the Rhine’; a political and economic resurgence based on a socially-sensitive economic model based on low inflation, high industrial output and friendly relations with former enemies. In addition, they also had to deal with the thorny question of justice: how do you deal with people who were connected, in one way or another, with the Nazi regime?
Indeed, the question of reconciliation and reunification is one of the thorniest issues of the 20th century. Helmut Kohl was the unlikely statesman who successfully spearheaded reunification. He was a poor speaker and intensely disliked by some factions within the CDU. Despite his lack of charisma, Kohl overcame domestic and international obstacles and anchored the new united Germany within the context of a more united Europe.
The idea of European integration is central to the values of the CDU. Many post-war German Christian Democrats appropriated the concept of Das Abendland – the ‘West’ – understood as the ‘Christian West’ distinct from the atheistic, materialistic Soviet Union and the capitalist and commercialised United States of America.
The figure of Charlemagne was a rallying point; his era was seen as a possible model of a Europe which was not torn apart by reformation and revolution. His empire appeared as a supranational space which overcame political, cultural and geographic differences.
Despite the lack of historical nuance, the founding fathers of the CDU and other Christian Democratic parties around Europe combined their political creed with a profound vision and a pragmatic approach. They had an overarching belief that they were pursuing goals rooted in something far greater than the self, the state or even the continent.
Perhaps, there is a lesson to be drawn from the success of this party; pragmatism or vision on their own are not sufficient. As Christian Democracy – and Europe – tries to make themselves more relevant to contemporary realities, it has in the history of the CDU a model to follow.
André DeBattista is an independent researcher in politics.