February 1, 1748, in the afternoon: Grand Master Manuel Pinto de Fonseca spotted, through a large and powerful telescope installed in the tower (the torretta) of his palace, what seemed to be a large and powerful Ottoman xebec in the distance. The galley San Luigi was ordered to leave harbour immediately to investigate.

February 1, 1748, at the Teatro Pubblico (now the Manoel Theatre), Valletta, in the evening: a fisherman asks to urgently speak to Grand Master Pinto. He is ushered into Pinto’s presence and explains how a large galley from Rhodes, seen near Gozo, had been commandeered by Christian slaves who had also captured the Pashà of Rhodes.

The fisherman’s story was verified, supplies were sent to the famished ex-slaves on board, and the galley, the Lupa, was towed into Marsamxett Harbour for the usual quarantine procedures at the Lazzaretto. Pratique was accorded on March 2, 1748. The pashà, though now technically a slave, was accorded the comfortable living quarters of the governor of Fort St Elmo, as befitted his rank.

A few days before, 16 Hungarian, Georgian and Maltese slaves on board this galley, which De Soldanis called the Lupa, had revolted, took over the galley, and imprisoned the Ottomans, including Mustaphà, the Pashà of Rhodes. Of these, only three were Maltese – Antonio Montalto, who was one of the planners of the revolt, surgeon Claudio Camilleri and Pietro Schembri.

Another 11 had Christian names and two were Muslims, including Cara Mehmed (known as the “negro/moor”), who co-planned the revolt with Montalto.

The total number of slaves on board was about 160, including the three Maltese just mentioned. This event was the prelude of what is known in Maltese history as ‘The plot of the slaves’, which was planned to take place on June 29, 1749, and is the subject of this month’s story.

Mustaphà Pashà was born in c.1708 and came from a very distinguished Ottoman family. His father, Suleiman, died in 1740 and granted his esteemed slave Cara Mehmed (a Muslim) his freedom, but Mustaphà kept him on as a slave and treated him brutally. This explains why he contrived, with the others, to mutiny and take over the Lupa.

Hatching a plot with the slaves in Malta leading to the capture of the island would restore Mustaphà Pashà’s honour and standing in the eyes of the Sultan

In Malta, Pinto protected him from possible retribution by other slaves. Cara Mehmed was baptised in June 1748, given the name of Giovanni Battista, got married to a Valletta maiden, was employed as a liveried groom in Pinto’s service, and became a favourite with the populace. It is quite hard to explain how this "negro/moor" eventually became involved in the anti-Order plot of the slaves.

Politics came to the fore with Mustaphà’s arrival in Malta. France did not want to compromise its political and commercial association with the Ottoman Empire and procured the pashà’s release. His capture had come at a time when his governorship of Rhodes had just ended and he was expecting another lucrative appointment.

His hopes ended with the mutiny, the loss of his galley and his enslavement. Therefore, he wanted to redeem his honour and self-esteem. Hatching a plot with the slaves in Malta – maybe about 1,000 all told – leading to the capture of the island would restore his honour and standing in the eyes of the sultan. At the same time, he had to be careful that, should anything go awry, he would not be blamed.

His release – on May 5, 1749 – through French intervention, came when he was already embroiled in the plot but, in order to remain in Malta, he refused to leave in a private capacity but wanted to be escorted back to Constantinople with honours on a French ship.

In July 1748, the pashà was allowed to move from Fort St Elmo to gardened premises in Floriana where he could more easily meet and discuss his plans with the other plotters. Two secret meetings took place to discuss the way forward, with the pashà being present at the second one. All those present swore an oath to keep the utmost secrecy of the plan.

The pashà remained in the background and cultivated his plans through others, notably Pinto’s personal trusted valet Imselleti, Rais Hassan, the slave Mishud, the papasso (religious leader) Haec Musa and Cara Mehmed.

Formerly an enemy of the pashà, the "negro/moor" probably joined the plot because he would be in a precarious position if he refused to participate, because of the promise of lucrative rewards and because he was duped into believing he would lead the slaves to glory. Little did he realise that the pashà would probably dispense of him if the conspiracy was successful.

All the conspirators had to take an oath of secrecy which the pashà introduced not only to safeguard the plot but also to protect himself, even though he knew that French protection was assured, especially after his release on May 5.

The date chosen was June 29, 1749, which, being an important feast day mainly celebrated at Mdina and Boschetto, meant that Valletta would be generally deserted. Summer was also the time when the Order’s naval squadron was at sea. This meant that fewer slaves would be available but this was offset by the naval personnel of soldiers and sailors also being absent from the island.

Put simply, the plan called for Imselleti, helped by "the negro" and others, to murder Pinto in the afternoon after the celebratory lunch. The other slaves working in the palace were to rise, kill all Christians and take over the palace armoury. This necessitated the collaboration of at least two guards on duty.

The slaves in the Valletta bagnio (slave prison) were to be released, armed and led to Fort St Elmo where a bribed Greek guard would facilitate their entry. Signals were then to be given for the slaves at the Senglea and Vittoriosa bagnios to rise up and occupy Fort St Angelo. Naval assistance from the North Africa regencies and the eastern Mediterranean – as agreed through secret correspondence – would lay in wait close to Maltese waters to enter the Maltese harbours and take over the island.

It is a moot point as to whether this bold plot could have succeeded but, as things sometimes happen, it was discovered in an unusual way. On June 6, at a Valletta tavern belonging to Giuseppe Cohen, a Jewish neophyte, the conspirators Ibrahim (the Pashà’s papasso), the moor, and the Persian soldier Antonio de Viguier (a neophyte in the grand master’s guard) tried to persuade the Armenian soldier Giacomo Cassar, also in the grand master’s guard, to join the conspiracy. He refused and, after heated arguments, the moor lost his temper and slapped Cassar. Fearing a brawl, and having overheard parts of the arguments, Cohen ordered everyone to leave the shop but detained Cassar, who told the shopkeeper about the conspiracy.

Cohen told Cassar to inform the grand master but he procrastinated. They agreed to meet at dawn to go together to inform Pinto about the plot, but Cassar did not turn up. So Cohen went to the palace on his own and informed Pinto about the conspiracy. Meanwhile, Cassar had informed his commander about the plot who, in turn, informed Pinto.

Cassar was not rewarded for his action because he had been privy to the plot for a number of weeks and had not reported it. Actually, he could have been executed for dereliction of duty. On the other hand, Cohen was generously compensated with rewards that amounted to about 750 scudi annually and the enjoyment of a house by his family and his direct legitimate descendants in perpetuity. A marble inscription commemorating this concession was placed over the door of the house which was exchanged for an annuity in 1773 and has since housed the Monte di Pietà.

The known conspirators were apprehended and subjected to torture. Details and names were quickly obtained and justice was put into motion, with punishments and retribution meted out regularly from July 5 till c. November 12, 1749. Punishments included quartering alive, strangulation, beheading and burning after execution, hanging, whipping and branding, and sentences to row on the galleys. Almost all were tortured with pincers. However, the pashà got off scot-free due to French intervention. He was released on March 13, 1751, and taken to Constantinople on a French ship.

Various contemporary accounts of the plot are extant in both manuscript and published forms, including newspaper reports in far away countries such as Peru in March 1750. Many details emanating from these accounts have formed the basis of subsequent research about the subject. One must, however, pay special attention to the Order’s official report circulated to the courts of Europe (vide Archives of the Order of Malta, Vol. 270, ff. 132-8) and the voluminous correspondence (concerning the plot) by the inquisitor, Paolo Passionei, to the Vatican Secretary of State, Cardinal Silvio Valenti Gonzaga, between February 3, 1748, and October 9, 1751, and which have been published by historian William Zammit.