“If it is true, I am disgusted,” Prime Minister Abela stated. Enemalta paid €10.1 million for a Montenegro wind farm. Two weeks earlier, it was worth €2.9 million. €4.6 million went to Yorgen Fenech’s 17 Black, known to be the ‘target client’ for Keith Schembri’s Tillgate and Konrad Mizzi’s Hearnville. Where did the remaining €3 million go? Who would get the €4.6 million?
Malta Today reported on November 18, 2019 that the €90 million project was inaugurated by Prime Minister Muscat “accompanied by Tourism Minister Konrad Mizzi, the brains behind the investment”. Mizzi had travelled to Montenegro eight times in a short period of time.
Muscat appointed his friend and water polo coach as ambassador to Montenegro. Karl Izzo had no diplomatic experience and even fewer qualifications. His credentials were that he had played water polo in Montenegro. In parliament on January 22, 2019, Muscat’s consultant Robert Abela sprang to the defence of the water polo coach: “Qualifications were not the only consideration when it came to the appointment of ambassadors,” he bellowed. No – loyalty to Muscat was the only consideration.
Mizzi, whose personal secret financial arrangements linked him directly to Yorgen Fenech’s 17 Black, insisted that “he had no idea murder suspect Yorgen Fenech stood to benefit financially from the deal”.
“This information is completely new to me,” Muscat protested. He insisted he “has nothing to hide”. He had been avoiding journalists’ questions for weeks and responded with disdain: “talk to yourself” (tkellem waħdek).
Mizzi is now the fall guy. Abela has thrown him under the bus shielding the likely real mastermind behind the grand larceny committed meticulously over six years – Muscat. When Mizzi timidly poured ice and cold water over Muscat’s head in the cringeworthy ice bucket challenge, it was evident who was dominant. Mizzi was the puerile subjugated sidekick. Muscat was the “kink”.
Mizzi was sucked in by Schembri from the start. Days after gaining power, both triggered the process of opening secret offshore companies with the help of their accomplices, Nexia BT. He was drawn deeper into the inner circle of corruption. Muscat changed the party statute to make Mizzi deputy leader. Were it not for Daphne Caruana Galizia, Mizzi would still be deputy leader today.
All the evidence points to Muscat knowing all along what was happening – about the secret companies in Panama, about 17 Black, about Schembri’s money-laundering. Muscat had the full Egrant inquiry report. The inquiry had recommended investigation of Karl Cini and Adrian Hillman and his links to Schembri. But Muscat continued to award Nexia BT government contracts. He appointed Hillman government representative on the American University of Malta Board. He kept Schembri and Mizzi in post despite the embarrassment and damage they caused his government and his party.
Muscat also knew about Fenech and his ownership of 17 Black. But he continued to invite him to birthday parties and accept his lavish gifts. Muscat knew that Fenech and Schembri were close friends. When Schembri travelled abroad for treatment, Fenech paid his bills.
So why is Abela suddenly disgusted? Why the veiled threats to Mizzi? Where was Abela all this time?- Kevin Cassar
No wonder Fenech was so ecstatic when Labour won the 2017 election. With Schembri as his loyal friend, Silvio Valletta his travelling mate leading the investigation, Mizzi in his pocket and Muscat inviting him to his birthday party, he was safe. Who would prosecute him?
Certainly not police commissioner Lawrence Cutajar. He was too busy covering for Muscat. It was the Panama papers that exposed Schembri and Mizzi’s secret companies, Caruana Galizia who linked them to 17 Black and Reuters who exposed Fenech as 17 Black owner – not the police. The FIAU reported Fenech for money-laundering to the police in spring 2018. Cutajar did nothing. The Egrant report concluded in July 2018 that the prerequisites for inquiries into Hillman were satisfied. Nothing happened.
Interpol identified the murderers, not our police. Cutajar, without authorisation from the investigating officer, met the confidant of the middleman in his private home and released sensitive and secret information about him to his friend. Which commissioner of police meets confidants of murderers in his private home? Cutajar’s police even turned down an FBI offer to retrieve Schembri’s lost phone. These are the actions of those trying to hide the truth.
Yet Abela appointed Cutajar as a consultant, despite being an incompetent failure who had embarrassed the whole police force, compromised the most important investigation and failed to bring to justice those responsible for multiple car bombs. By appointing him, Abela became complicit in buying Cutajar’s silence and rewarding him for his role in protecting Muscat’s right-hand men.
“If Konrad Mizzi is shown to be involved at all in this case…,” Abela stated in his press conference. If? If? Mizzi was responsible for Enemalta. There is no doubt about his responsibility, certainly political responsibility – and that of Muscat.
So why is Abela suddenly disgusted? Why the veiled threats to Mizzi? Where was Abela all this time? He was defending Muscat’s choice of ambassador to Montenegro. He was protecting Mizzi with his votes in parliament. He was acting as consultant to a virtuoso carpetbagger and outrageous rogue and enabling him to fulfil his devious plans.
Abela had several opportunities to redeem himself. The choice was clear: do the right thing – stand up to corruption and criminality? Or continue to siphon hundreds of thousands of taxpayers’ euro, kowtowing to the most corrupt politician of the year.
He could have voted against Mizzi but he did not. He could have refused to defend Muscat – he did not. He could have given up his consultancy to Muscat – he did not. Every single time, Abela made the wrong choice. Now he turns on Mizzi and continues to shield Muscat, the man who made him consultant and prime minister.
Kevin Cassar is Professor of surgery, consultant vascular surgeon