Malta, undeniably, faces an overpopulation issue, driven by the influx of migrant workers. However, we are deluding ourselves if we think the government can simply pull the migration plug without risking an economic collapse.
While there is ample reason to blame the Labour government for “opening the floodgates” in a bid to put our economy on steroids, the economic reality is far more complex, and the situation needs to be managed rather than forced to any shocks.
The labour migration policy unveiled last week by Home Affairs Minister Byron Camilleri offers, at least on paper, the most promising sign yet that the government intends to take control of labour migration from the clutches of unscrupulous recruitment agencies and exploitative employers.
By doing so, the policy aims to strike a delicate balance: addressing the economy’s needs, potentially reduce excess workers, while introducing a measure of respect and dignity for workers’ rights. If implemented effectively, it could mark an important step towards a fairer and more sustainable system for all. The aim of the policy – to address genuine labour shortages and go for a skills-based approach – is the right one.
The emphasis on employer accountability and workplace compliance is a welcome departure from previously laissez-faire approaches that have often led to worker exploitation and vulnerability.
Among others, the policy proposes employee turnover thresholds based on company size, which, if surpassed, will disqualify the company from applying for residency permits for new non-EU workers.
A second proposal limits the number of new non-EU nationals a company can take on board. It’s positive that the government is finally attempting to stamp out the number of companies indulging in practices akin to human trafficking.
Proposals that prioritise workplace protections, such as stricter enforcement of existing labour regulations, should be lauded. The mandatory bank transfers for salary payments should improve transparency and is a powerful tool against wage theft, though it would help if banks stopped making it almost impossible for third-country nationals to open accounts.
The policy also deserves commendation for extending the previously ludicrous grace period for TCNs to seek new employment after losing a job. This provides a vital lifeline, reducing the fear of immediate deportation and, crucially, giving individuals time to find suitable work without falling into the shadows.
Crucially, the policy makes specific exceptions for the health and care sector, where hundreds of lives are literally being sustained by migrant workers.
The proposal to establish a high-risk country list and reject applications for low-skilled workers could be problematic.
Is the government aiming to target or exclude an entire group of people solely based on the geographic origin of their passport? This policy could disproportionately affect those seeking work in essential lower-skilled sectors.
There are further questions. What constitutes a “suitable level” of proficiency in English and Maltese languages? Such requirements can easily become barriers to entry and create opportunities for discrimination.
The higher first-time fees could possibly increase the reliance of workers on third-party brokers and traffickers to pay. This goes against the stated aim of the policy to incentivise employers to improve working conditions and increase retention.
Ultimately, it all boils down to enforcement, which has never been this country’s strong point. The upcoming public consultation process is a crucial opportunity to raise any sticking points but the government should avoid caving in to the whims of exploitative employers.
In the foreword to the policy, Camilleri said it “will take on the greedy persons whose business model is only based on how many numbers they get, not how skilled or committed to our country are the workers they engage”.
We sincerely hope this is not ministerial rhetoric but the start of a concerted effort to fix the system.